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           Shipping Stevedoring Port Services Hydrocarbons Diving  Jul-Aug 2008        |
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Solidarity - The Maritime Union is a strong union
The Maritime Union is a strong union, with a long history of solidarity - working for its members, the community and causes such as the environment, an anti nuclear Pacific, land rights and justice for Aboriginal Australians, the Australian republic, independence for East Timor and trade union rights worldwide.Its support for the people of East Timor goes back to the very beginnings of the independence movement. "I commend the Australian union movement and its humanitarian aid agency Apheda, Union Aid Abroad, for you solidiarity and support to our independence struggle." Xanana said. "I call on Australian organisations and people of good will to support the work of Apheda for the advancement of the people of East TimorA history of mateship... MUA support Pilbara miners Viva Timor Leste! Wharfies & seafarers join the independence struggle Gordonstone miners: MUA take the reigns War on the Waterfront: US wharfies send black cargo back to Patrick Child Labour Martyr: Fatality on the picket, NZ Merdeka! MUA supports Indonesian worker independence campaign Workers Aid Abroad: MUA Seafarers contribute to Apheda Fiji Protest: MUA joins other unions to act against George Speight's coup
Reformed Revolutionary Indonesian labour leader fighting global colonisation of the workplace Free Muchtar Pakpahan campaign poster (1995) SYDNEY, MAY 9, 2000: "I tried to have a revolution a couple of times, but the masses ran out of control," said Indonesian union leader Muchtar Pakpahan "They killed Chinese shop owners and set fire to buildings. For the time being I believe reform and democracy are the best options for Indonesia." Muchtar Pakpahan is the general secretary of the moderate Indonesian Prosperity Union (SBSI) an organisation that boasts one and a half million members nationwide. He was in Australia on a tour organised by the Australia Asia Workers Links and funded by Australian unions, including the Maritime Union of Australia, students organisations and socialist parties. Muchtar Pakpahan was first imprisoned after a labour uprising in Medan in 1994 under Dutch colonial subversion laws still used by the Indonesian Government and business interests to suppress independent thought and independent unions. During his trial he enraged the Indonesian authorities by suggesting that companies could well afford to pay Indonesia workers a living wage if management was not forced to pay such fat and frequent bribes to security and military personnel, bureaucrats, government and local officials. In 1996 after Muchtar had won his court case on a technicality, he was again imprisoned for supporting the democracy movement. Like the Medan labour uprising the student demonstrations in support of organised labour and the deposed leader of the Democrat Party Sukarno's daughter ended in bloodshed and repression. So in September 1996 the Maritime Union launched rolling bans on Indonesian cargo in protest. Around a dozen ships and cargoes were affected by the campaign, but Muchtar was not released until Soeharto was forced out of office in 1998. Muchtar Pakpahan thanked the union personally for the support during his visit. "We remember what you did for us. Thank you." The internationally recognised union leader, who was also accompanied by SBSI vice president Rekson Silaban, spoke at length of the growing debt and democracy in Indonesia and of relations between our two countries. "We don't care about government to government relations," he said. "We care about people relations. My journey here is to find out what we can do together as a labour movement."The former university lecturer and lawyer was an outspoken critical of the former Indonesian occupation of East Timor and of Australian government recognition of the annexation in 1975. SBSI, he said, was a social movement, not just a trade union. It has closest ties with ngo and student organisations. It has also maintained close ties with Timorese workers who were, prior to independence, recruited into SBSI. Muchtar Pakpahan spoke at length of his dream to build prosperity in his homeland. He envisages a welfare state for workers and their families, largely based on the Nordic models. It would enshrine the goals of equality, rule of law, social justice, worker rights and democracy. The new Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid is also committed to these ideas. ("Gus Dur was a very close friend of mine.") But it is the IMF, not the democratically elected president, that runs Indonesia. Foreign debt stands at US $157 billion. And policy is increasingly determined overseas. "The IMF dictates policy to the Indonesian government,"said Muchtar. "We are trapped by the IMF. They are behind the abolition of electricity and education subsidies. It is also the IMF behind the policy to raise the salary of officials by 2000 per cent while workers are on the streets struggling to get a 200 per cent wage rise. For example members of parliament and top officials now earn up to US11,000 a month, while most workers are only getting US$23/month."Freedom of speech and the right to demonstrate also has its downside, Muchtar revealed. Some 36 million Indonesians are unemployed, and many are only too willing to accept small payments of a few dollars to demonstrate against this very freedom. Muchtar described how supporters of former dictator Soeharto paid 12,500 unemployed to climb on a bus and demonstrate outside the ministry for justice against putting Soeharto to trail for corruption. "They go because they are paid. They do not even ask what it is about. This has been exposed on television reports. The reporter asked 'why are you here?' and the demonstrator said 'Because I have been paid.'" "Soeharto is King of the Corrupters," said Muchtar. "He must stand trial."Democracy and freedom of organisation are now enshrined by law, but old colonial laws remain. While the Wahid Government has ratified all ILO conventions making Indonesia the best in Asia and 6th best in the world - well above Australia, and while Gus Dur has been invited to address the ILO in Geneva this June, old subversion laws have yet to be repealed. The military still own many companies and workplaces in Indonesia, so intimidation and repression of worker rights still continues on the ground. On March 27 two SBSI activists were convicted of inciting violence and criminal acts under Indonesia' colonial era subversion law, KKUHP 160. They were leading a strike to demand recognition of the union at PT Gajah Tungall, an Indonesian company with Japanese shareholding which produces tyres for US, Asian and European markets and employees 12,000 workers. Both union organisers have been charged under the subversion laws. The case is being appealed and SBSI calling for international support urging the Indonesian legislature to prevent subversion laws being used in industrial disputes. Maritime workers have a long history of solidarity with Indonesian workers going back to the very beginning of Indonesian independence struggle. IN 1945 when the Dutch attempted to again control of their former colony , Australia maritime workers launched the greatest boycott in world history. Black Armada by Rupert Lockwood records how waterside workers, first in Brisbane then in other ports around the coast, refused to load Dutch armaments and cargoes. Eventually some 31 Australian trade unions and four Asian seafarers unions imposed boycotts on a total of 559 Dutch ships - submarines, landing craft, supply vessels and war ships. It was a serious blow to the Dutch imperial army. And by 1949 Indonesians won their political independence. But the old subversion law used by the Dutch to suppress and colonise the Indonesian people remains and enables Indonesian workers and unions to be colonised by capital. Now maritime workers are again asked to throw their weight behind the new independence struggle in Indonesia - a struggle for free and independent trade unions allowing workers freedom of association and self determination. National Secretary John Coombs has written to President Abdurrachman Wahid, calling for the subversion laws to be banned from the workplace and industrial relations. Similar letters have also gone out from the Brisbane, Melbourne and Sydney branches. Members who wish to join this campaign should download, sign and fax the sample letter to the Indonesian Parliament as addressed. Communication with SBSI should go through by email: sbsi@pacific.net.id Meanwhile the message conveyed to Muchtar Pakpahan during and since his visit is a very simple one. "Our solidarity is ongoing. Ask again and we will deliver." BACK
Brute overthrow of government in Fiji prompts political protest from labour movement here and abroad The Maritime Union of Australia has responded to calls by Fijian unions, the International Transport Workers' Federation and the Australian Council of Trade Unions to join a political protest against the overthrow of the democratically elected government in Fiji. Fijian businessman George Speight seized control of the nation state on May 19 when his private army stormed parliament brandishing M-16s and holding government MPs hostage. Speight has since threatened that he will personally shoot the PM, the President's daughter and other hostages, if any move is made against him. Deposed prime minister Mahendra Chaudhry was General Secretary of the ITF-affiliated Fiji Public Service Association from 1975 to 1999. From 1988 to 1992 he was National Secretary of the Fiji Trades Union Congress. Speight is claiming to win back control of Fiji from the ethnic Indian dominated Labor Party. But Sydney Morning Herald journalist Marian Wilkinson has exposed that George Speight's business connections over mahogany exports may have been the real reason behind the coup. Business connections Three days before his private army took parliament, George Speight placed an extraordinary statement in The Fiji Sun, denying he had been "on the take". National Secretary of the Fijian Trade Union Congress Felix Anthony has condemned the military for agreeing to Speight's demands as "capitulation to the principal demands of the terrorists" and a "deafening lack of resolve in upholding the rule of law." Union plea The Fijian unions have called for help from the international union movement. ITF General Secretary David Cockcroft declared full international support in response to the plea, calling on affiliates in the Pacific Rim countries, in particular, to take whatever action they could in support of the Fijian unionists. In Australia the ACTU has set up daily hook ups with affiliates to monitor the situation and co-ordinate action. MUA Assistant Secretary Mick O'Leary, co-ordinating the MUA port protests. Australian bans Australian maritime workers were among the first to act with Melbourne wharfies refusing to load around 50 containers of general cargo bound for Suva onto the Colombus Queensland when it docked on Monday morning, May 29. The Australian Transport Workers' Union, the Australian Services Union, the Flight Attendants' Association of Australia and the Licensed Aircraft Engineers' Association placed bans on airline services the same day. Some exemptions, eg emergency medical supplies, apply on humanitarian grounds. Air Pacific, Fiji's international airline, has been forced to cancel flights as bookings plummet. Two scheduled inbound flights from Nadi to Sydney and Melbourne were combined on May 31 with aircraft staying in Melbourne overnight. About 20 per cent of bookings have been cancelled or deferred over the past week. An Air Pacific flight carrying 141 passengers was delayed in Sydney for about two hours the first week, because of bans imposed by staff, including ground crews, maintenance workers, refuellers and baggage handlers. Up to 100 passengers with seats booked on the flight failed to turn up. Australian unions have mounted pickets at the Fiji Embassy in Canberra, and tourism sector employees were asked to discourage travellers from visiting Fiji. The Australian trade unions bans also include mail, banking, universities and sport. ACTU President Sharon Burrows held talks with representatives of the Professional Footballers' Association in June. And on June 14 the ACTU warned that the maritime bans may be extended, following reports that some Fijian businesses are marking and shipping goods via New Zealand to avoid the Australian bans. The president of the New Zealand Council of Trade Unions, Ross Wilson (formerly of the ITF-affiliated Rail and Maritime Transport Union RMTU) said that New Zealand trade union action could include bans of shipping and cargo services but was still seeking employer co-operation. The Fiji Trade Union Council has also called for ban on the loading of fuel due to go out of the port of Melbourne. As a small Pacific Island, with no energy resources of its own, Fiji is highly dependent on imported oil. Ships affected by the protest bans include the Colombus Queensland, Colombus Coromandel, Direct Kookaburra, Capitaine Tasman, Forum Tonga, Argentina Star, Fanal Mariner, Fanal Trader, Fanal Merchant, Southern Moana, Meckhanic Kalyuzhniy and Capitaine Cook. The ports of Melbourne, Sydney, Brisbane, Geelong and Newcastle have all been affected, with an estimated 100 containers and 10,000 tonnes of wheat subject to bans. Assistant National Secretary Mick O'Leary, who is helping co-ordinate the ACTU maritime protest action said another two shipments of wheat would be affected. Fijian imports most affected are clothing exports, some on order for the Olympics. Almost 20,000 people work in the Fiji textile and garment industry, most of which is focussed on servicing Australia. Many of the employers have shifted to Fiji for the cheap labour costs. One textile employer, producing uniforms for the Sydney Olympics, has organised his own workers to protest against their union, with signs saying 'Jobs before Democracy'. Arson attack Meanwhile a Fijian unionist's home was subject to an arson target on June 11, the Fiji website, Fijilive reported. Thugs tried to burn down the home of trade unionist Diwan Shankar in Suva. But neighbours alerted police in time to stop the blaze. Mr Shankar, assistant general secretary of the Fiji Trades Union Congress, was not at home at the time. "From day one of the People's Coalition government takeover they have been threatening us," he said. "I am still not moved. As long as I am alive, the fight will still be on."The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions sent a mission into Fiji in early June to make an on-the-ground assessment of the current political and industrial situation. Ken Douglas, a former New Zealand national union leader, represented the ICFTU-APRO and met with local union activists and workers. Mr Douglas also joined Fiji TUC National Secretary, Felix Anthony in a delegation to meet with military leaders. Mr Douglas has since briefed his colleagues in NZ, Australia and the ICFTU leadership in Asia and Europe. While Mr Douglas was in Fiji the military regime prevented a planned three-day 300 kilometre People's March for Democracy going ahead. The marchers, demanding the return of the constitution and the freeing of the hostages held in the parliamentary complex, were to have been led by relatives of the MPs being held hostage. As well as families of the captives, the march was to have included factory workers laid off as a result of a ban imposed by Australian unions. The ACTU is monitoring the situation in Suva to determine the need for humanitarian assistance. The National Secretary of the Fiji TUC, Felix Anthony, has asked for supporters to keep sending protest messages to the Military Commander Commodore Bainimarama calling for:
The fax number is 0015 679 306 034 Copies of protest messages and all solidarity messages to the Fiji Trade Union Congress can be e-mailed to fsgwu@is.com.fj or ftuc1@is.com.fj. The FTUC fax number is: 0015 679 300 308. This is not the first time the ACTU has instigated bans against Fiji. In 1987 all Fijian cargo was blackbanned in protest against the Rabuka military coup which toppled the democratically elected government of Prime Minister Dr Bavadra. Within weeks of the overthrow of the Fijian government a second Pacific Island coup was mounted in neighbouring Solomon Islands. However Island unions requested that no bans on goods or services apply. BACK
The MUA members on board the Sedco 702, have come up with a new concept for worker aid abroad. Like most Australian crewed ships, we contribute to a rolling fund. These funds assist members, if needed, support union campaigns and often contribute to various charities. The problem of just which charity to assist usually results in a patchwork of donations where the money is not seen to make a difference. For this reason, the members decided to "adopt" the ACTU overseas aid agency, Apheda as the target charity. This was done with considerable thought, a major consideration being that Apheda is union based. Apheda stands for Australian People for Health, Education and Development Abroad. It is strongly supported by unions who comprise the ACTU, particularly the MUA. Indeed (former union secretary Tas Bull is Apheda chairperson). The MUA is at the frontline, supporting developing countries through its ships of shame campaign. Our members realise only too well the importance of developing a positive trade union mentality in countries where, like it or not, we are competing for jobs due to globalisation. The Patrick dispute was in part won through international solidarity and the importance of such links will only increase in the future. By strengthening the workings and programs of Apheda humanitarian aid, we are also strengthening the understanding of human rights and worker rights abroad. Much of Apheda's work is devoted to union training abroad. For a long time, individuals from various unions have been invited to join Apheda. But when the MUA members of the Sedco 702 decided to join we wanted to join as a union group. And, after consultation with Marj O'Callohan from Apheda, we developed a new membership category - workplace group membership. This is how it works. The group joins Apheda for an annual membership fee of $100. The address given is c/o the ship or workplace. Apheda then sends regular updates on its work and projects. This allows members to discuss the various projects and, if they decide to support a particular project, their donation can be directed there. When donations are made they are addressed to Apheda. In addition to the name of the work group sending the donation, an individual name is supplied allowing for a tax deduction to be claimed. In the case of the Sedco 702 group, the monthly donations made by crew are rotated, allowing everyone to claim a substantial tax deduction each year. (It is a nice feeling knowing that the government is putting in too!) Apheda members are also invited to join study tours and see for themselves the difference that their contributions make. Dave Hume Sedco 702 Book no: 7094 BACK
Christine Clarke died a martyr to the trade union cause. She was hit and run down while defending a waterside workers' picket in Lyttelton, New Zealand on the afternoon of December 29. Hers is the first death on a New Zealand picket since 1912. "Christine Clarke is a rallying point for the whole trade union movement here and abroad," said Waterfront Workers' Union President Les Wells. "She is a martyr. Nobody comes along to a picket thinking they might be killed."Christine Clarke was not a waterside worker and her husband a supervisor at the port, was not part of the struggle. The 45 year old former electoral secretary for a local Green MP Rod Donald, marriage counsellor and mother of two, was on the picket alongside the NZ waterside workers solely because of her commitment to social justice. She was protesting against the contracting out coal loading work to a union busting firm. Many port workers stood to lose their jobs. And many more causals stood to lose everything. They derived their main source of income from working on the coal and other cargo handling operations. They would get no work and no redundancy. But the company had hid this from its employees and the union when it agreed on a collective contract in July. This 'dirty dealing' betrayed workers," said Waterfront Workers' Union General Secretary Trevor Hanson. "They said no issues were outstanding, then went out and got the cheapest contractor they could find." On December 28 a large turnout of workers were picketing the coal ship Bunga Sagalima. Council of Trade Unions President Ross Wilson, Seafarers' Union President Dave Morgan and Trevor Hanson flew in for the picket. "This dispute represents a fight for every job in New Zealand which is threatened by contracting out," said Trevor Hanson. "The union is prepared to escalate the dispute if required."Action was more vigorous the next day when Sea Swift bulk carrier arrived for a load of coal at 10am. A port strike disrupted all shipping through Lyttelton. By afternoon 120 watersiders, rail and maritime workers, unionists and community supporters, were peacefully picketing at the main terminal gates. Christine, well known as a fighter for the underdog, was part of that picket. Unionists were stopping cars and handing out leaflets with only a few minor scuffles, when, without warning, a motorist in a four wheel drive rammed the picket and struck Christine. She never regained consciousness. On New Year's Eve her husband sat at her hospital bedside watching her die. His wife's head injuries were so serious he had given doctors permission to turn of her life support. Their two children, Justine, 17 and Joseph 10 were close by. The tragedy caused the port community much grief, with the local press describing feelings as "heightened by the death of a citizen who was expressing her strong social convictions" - before going on to attack unions for their militancy. On the day of Christine's funeral the port came to a halt for 24 hours while 250 workers stopped to commemorate her tragic death. Watersiders at ports nationwide stopped work for one hour in a collective show of respect. Lyttelton port manager described the day of mourning as 'a shameful political stunt' and an 'illegal strike'. But union president Les Wells said the actions was "not a strike, but a stoppage to show respect for this lady. Two hundred and fifty men need to grieve over what has happened." Friends, politicians, union officials, colleagues and more than 200 port workers filled the cathedral to overflowing. A lone bagpiper led the coffin in through a sea of flowers laid on the steps of the cathedral. Lyttelton port worker Paul Corliss told the gathering that every port worker and every union in New Zealand spoke as one, when he said how much he respected Christine Clarke. "The tragic incident will never be forgotten by any unionist anywhere," Trevor Hanson wrote in response to the thousands of letters of solidarity from international union brotherhood around the world. "Christine Clarke was a working class person who knew that New Zealand social standards were in very bad state of repair. She paid the supreme price for her beliefs. It is now the duty of all New Zealand workers to ensure her protest against social injustice continues. "Support from NZ unions workers and the public has been overwhelming and international solidarity has ben magnificent."In a letter to Christine's family, the union thanked husband and children "for sharing such a courageous person with us." Christine Clarke's death came within a month of the return of Labor to government in New Zealand. In the words of Trade Union Federation President Maxine Gay her death heralds a new era of union activity. "Unions and workers have been surviving under the most authoritarian rule for nine years," she said. "They've had very little industrial power. The more militancy there is, the better it will be for working people. Only then can we can start to make improvements to conditions."Newly elected Minister of Labour Margaret Wilson said she would introduce new labour laws "as soon as its humanly possible" The driver of the vehicle, a director of a Christchurch boat importing firm has been arrested on dangerous driving resulting in death. Christine Clarke died a martyr to the trade union cause. She was hit and run down while defending a waterside workers' picket in Lyttelton, New Zealand on the afternoon of December 29. Hers is the first death on a New Zealand picket since 1912. "Christine Clarke is a rallying point for the whole trade union movement here and abroad," said Waterfront Workers' Union President Les Wells. "She is a martyr. Nobody comes along to a picket thinking they might be killed."Christine Clarke was not a waterside worker and her husband a supervisor at the port, was not part of the struggle. The 45 year old former electoral secretary for a local Green MP Rod Donald, marriage counsellor and mother of two, was on the picket alongside the NZ waterside workers solely because of her commitment to social justice. She was protesting against the contracting out coal loading work to a union busting firm. Many port workers stood to lose their jobs. And many more causals stood to lose everything. They derived their main source of income from working on the coal and other cargo handling operations. They would get no work and no redundancy. But the company had hid this from its employees and the union when it agreed on a collective contract in July. This 'dirty dealing' betrayed workers," said Waterfront Workers' Union General Secretary Trevor Hanson. "They said no issues were outstanding, then went out and got the cheapest contractor they could find." On December 28 a large turnout of workers were picketing the coal ship Bunga Sagalima. Council of Trade Unions President Ross Wilson, Seafarers' Union President Dave Morgan and Trevor Hanson flew in for the picket. "This dispute represents a fight for every job in New Zealand which is threatened by contracting out," said Trevor Hanson. "The union is prepared to escalate the dispute if required."Action was more vigorous the next day when Sea Swift bulk carrier arrived for a load of coal at 10am. A port strike disrupted all shipping through Lyttelton. By afternoon 120 watersiders, rail and maritime workers, unionists and community supporters, were peacefully picketing at the main terminal gates. Christine, well known as a fighter for the underdog, was part of that picket. Unionists were stopping cars and handing out leaflets with only a few minor scuffles, when, without warning, a motorist in a four wheel drive rammed the picket and struck Christine. She never regained consciousness. On New Year's Eve her husband sat at her hospital bedside watching her die. His wife's head injuries were so serious he had given doctors permission to turn of her life support. Their two children, Justine, 17 and Joseph 10 were close by. The tragedy caused the port community much grief, with the local press describing feelings as "heightened by the death of a citizen who was expressing her strong social convictions" - before going on to attack unions for their militancy. On the day of Christine's funeral the port came to a halt for 24 hours while 250 workers stopped to commemorate her tragic death. Watersiders at ports nationwide stopped work for one hour in a collective show of respect. Lyttelton port manager described the day of mourning as 'a shameful political stunt' and an 'illegal strike'. But union president Les Wells said the actions was "not a strike, but a stoppage to show respect for this lady. Two hundred and fifty men need to grieve over what has happened." Friends, politicians, union officials, colleagues and more than 200 port workers filled the cathedral to overflowing. A lone bagpiper led the coffin in through a sea of flowers laid on the steps of the cathedral. Lyttelton port worker Paul Corliss told the gathering that every port worker and every union in New Zealand spoke as one, when he said how much he respected Christine Clarke. "The tragic incident will never be forgotten by any unionist anywhere," Trevor Hanson wrote in response to the thousands of letters of solidarity from international union brotherhood around the world. "Christine Clarke was a working class person who knew that New Zealand social standards were in very bad state of repair. She paid the supreme price for her beliefs. It is now the duty of all New Zealand workers to ensure her protest against social injustice continues. "Support from NZ unions workers and the public has been overwhelming and international solidarity has ben magnificent."In a letter to Christine's family, the union thanked husband and children "for sharing such a courageous person with us." Christine Clarke's death came within a month of the return of Labor to government in New Zealand. In the words of Trade Union Federation President Maxine Gay her death heralds a new era of union activity. "Unions and workers have been surviving under the most authoritarian rule for nine years," she said. "They've had very little industrial power. The more militancy there is, the better it will be for working people. Only then can we can start to make improvements to conditions."Newly elected Minister of Labour Margaret Wilson said she would introduce new labour laws "as soon as its humanly possible" The driver of the vehicle, a director of a Christchurch boat importing firm has been arrested on dangerous driving resulting in death. BACK
The battle for the Pilbara was a battle for workers' rights - the right to belong to a union and the right to bargain collectively. It was a battle fought on the ground and in the courts, at home and abroad, using the same winning strategy as that used by the Maritime Union during the war on the waterfront - struggle on the picket, legal manoeuvres in the courts, union solidarity here and overseas. The ultimate victory in the Pilbara represents a victory for all workers, the Australian union movement, international labour confederations and, notably, chief strategist ACTU Secretary Greg Combet. It all began last summer when BHP refused to enter into negotiations with the union for a new collective agreement, instead bribing workers onto individual contracts with up front cash payments of up to $60,000. Workers accepting individual contracts were paid an extra $15,000 a year in pay increases and improved superannuation - inducements described by Julian Burnside, QC, former MUA counsel representing the five unions, as financial 'sweetners' Less than half the 1000-strong workforce were deceived by the offer and the ACTU moved in behind the unions. By the New Year the dispute was gaining momentum with national strikes affecting BHP enterprises and shipping and the first pickets halting production at the mine. MUA members joined the struggle (including financially), with 24 hour stoppages at the nation's largest steelworks in Port Kembla, Newcastle, Whyalla and Westernport. Within days confrontation on the pickets quickly culminating in a pitched battle, after BHP insisted that police forcibly remove men and women by brute force and batons. Many were hospitalised with arm and rib injuries, many more were arrested. This served to strengthen union resolve and support. And on January 20 the five unions involved in the bitter dispute (CFMEU, AMWU, AWU, TWU and CEPU) had issued legal action against BHP in the Federal Court, restraining BHP from offering, inducing or coercing employees to sign individual contracts or become non-union. The court action also called for equity on the job and the right of employees to a collective agreement. Like the MUA's conspiracy case against Workplace Relations Minister Peter Reith and Patrick boss Chris Corrigan, the Federal Court application alleged breaches of the freedom of association provisions of the Workplace Relations Act. Like the MUA, the unions won world backing with the International Transport Workers' Federation announcing it would take action to disrupt BHP iron ore shipments out of Australia. And like the MUA they won the battle on all fronts. On January 31, the Federal Court delivered a sweeping victory to the ACTU and a server blow to BHP, also discouraging other companies from attempting to introduce individual contracts. Justice Peter Gray said BHP had arguable discriminated against its unionised workers and that it had illegally offered inducements with the intention of deunionising its operations. The court ordered the mining multinational to cease offering and entering into individual contracts with its Pilberra workforce. Within hours BHp was prepared to back down and enter into negotiations with the union for a new collective agreement. Diary of a Picket By an unnamed union member whose identity is withheld to protect him from being victimised by the company Monday, January 17: This was our first day on the picket line. We set up about 1600 hours. The first bus arrived at 1730 hours with a land cruiser in the lead and two buses in toe. Four hired goons were in a land cruiser and about 12 scabs on the buses. Standing strong on the picket were about 130 unionists. After about half-an-hour of talking between union officials, police and the goons, the miners still refused to move or be intimidated. So the bus, as well as the goon squad, reversed and tried for another picket line about eight kilometres out of town in the bush. But it was already manned. And about 10-carloads of unionists strengthened our defence by leaving from the main picket line to lend their support. As the goons arrived at the bush picket line one union member proceeded to stop the car and to talk to the driver. But the driver tried unsuccessfully to run him over. With support of all unionists the vehicle was stopped. During this encounter the Great Northern Highway between Pt Headland and Perth was blocked for about half-an-hour. So the police proceeded to move the goons and the buses on. The buses then drove around Newman for about an hour in something very similar to a Keystone Cops episode. They did not knowing which way to turn or where to go. It was then that the company made the decision to send all the scabs and goons home. Tuesday, January 18: By 0500 hours, about 130 unionists lined the main picket awaiting the arrival of the buses. So the company manned up about 20 land cruisers with scabs and tried to use snake trails, about 20kilometres out of Newman, to gain entrance to the mine site. Only a handful of these were successful due to the resilience of unionists on the main gate and the sewer/dump gate picket lines. At 1700 hours, around 200 unionists manned several picket lines, about seven in all, leaving the main gate with about 130 unionists. A company land cruiser containing three senior staff people (commonly known as the Three Stooges, at Mt Newman Mining) arrived with a bus following. The driver of the land cruiser pushed the frontline of the picketers back about two-feet level with the 130 unionists manning the main picket line. But the picket stood strong and would not let the vehicle and bus through. Half-an-hour passed with state union officials trying to diffuse the volatile confrontation. But the company refused to back away, even after the police requested a 'cooling off' period to allow discussions between representatives of the picket, the police and the company. BHP's attitude was that they would not enter into any conversations with ANYBODY now, or in the future. It was the company's insistence that police clear the picket that led to the baton charge on peacefully protesting men and women - violence which shocked the nation when shown on national TV the next day. Wednesday, January 19: During the morning the main picket grew to 220, with about 90 people disbursing to several other pickets throughout the bush and in Newman. The company chose to drive 10 kilometres out of Newman to get 13 scabs in. That night, a senior company representative drove to the main picket and proceeded to hand Ron Keilty (CFMEU Mining and Energy WA joint president) his Supreme Court injunction. We already knew what was going to happen and gave Ron a guard of honour as he entered the mine site. Thursday, January 20: In the morning, about 250 union members and supporters fronted the main picket, with 150 remaining in place while another 100 disbursed to other pickets. With no show by the company and its scabs, the majority of those on the pickets took part in a march through the town. We set off from the main picket to the Maritime Union office in town. Members of the public joined in to show their support, swelling our ranks to more than 300. Friday, January 21: No show by the company at the picket. But they used the snake trails to get about 10 scabs into the main site. That night marked the end of our four day dispute. Those rostered on went to work with heads held high and their dignity and pride fully intact. Thanks to all the residents and unionists in Newman who came out in support of the cause and also to those throughout Australia who sent faxes and messages of solidarity lending their support to us. THE PILBARA IS A REMOTE REGION OF AUSTRALIA. PLEASE LET THE WORKERS THERE KNOW THAT THEY ARE NOT ALONE. SEND MESSAGES OF SUPPORT AND SOLIDARITY TO: FACSIMILE: 08 9177 8107 EMAIL: troyburton@hotmail.com BACK
PHOTO John Feder, News Ltd Timorese inferno sparks union bans on Australian waterfront, thousands feared massacred, an estimated $80 million in Indonesian cargo held MUA merchant marine follow UN troups into warzone TIMOR, September 23: "The surrounding hills were full of smoke making the many warships appear ghostly. As we approached the wharf, the devastation caused by the Indonesian army and the Indonesian-backed militia became all too apparent. We could see Indonesian soldiers shoving carts full of looted goods from the township. The wharf area and sheds had been completely trashed and covered with human waste." So wrote MUA seaman Steve Richardson, one of 13 Australian seafarers on two support vessels contracted by the Australian Navy, the Lady Valisia and the Lady Elaine, to accompany the UN peace force into Dili. Militia violence in East Timor erupted after 400,000 East Timorese, almost the entire adult population, voted overwhelmingly for their freedom in the UN-sponsored ballot on August 30. Indonesian backed militia struck back, killing men, women and children, priests and nuns, as Indonesian police looked on and, in many cases, participated. Under direction of the military the militia carried out a scorched earth policy, forcibly removing hundreds of thousands of civilians, separating men from their families, burning people alive in their homes. Horrified, the world looked on, but did little. But in Australia maritime workers were quick to retaliate, striking bans on all Indonesian cargo and shipping. On September 7 National Secretary and ITF executive member John Coombs called for worldwide union action from the International Transport Workers' Federation conference in Fiji. The Australian maritime black bans were in place the same day. Other unions were quick to follow. Newcastle was the first port in Australia that took action with MUA members pulling Indonesian cargo from the ship Cape Jervis that evening. "We received huge support from Trades Hall and the community," said Newcastle Branch Secretary Jim Boyle.Newcastle members also refused to load grinding balls destined for the Freeport mine in Irian Jaya on board the Arktis Fantasy. "We are not prepared to stand idly by and have the East Timorese people murdered for no reason than they are seeking what every Australian man and woman currently enjoys," MUA Deputy National Secretary Paddy Crumlin told ABC Radio. "And that is the right to vote free of intimidation and the right to develop their national interest through their own democratic processes."The Australian Council of Trade Unions welcomed the MUA bans and urged other unions to follow "the campaign for peace". Around the coast all Indonesian cargo coming onto the wharves was isolated in holding yards, ships already carrying Indonesian exports were held until the cargo was removed, imports were subject to rolling bans with Assistant National Secretary Jim Tannock co-ordinating the action. In Sydney waterside workers refused to allow the vessel Bunga Teratai III sail until the skipper agreed to withdraw 16 Indonesian bound containers. In Brisbane, MUA tug operators refused to bring the Indonesian flagged bulk grain vessel Bogasari Lima into port. Southern Queensland Assistant Branch Secretary Dave Perry was taken to the Federal Commission to explain the action. "They asked me how long the ban would stay in place and I said 'well, it took 25 years to get Mandela out of prison'," said Dave. "The ban will stay on as long as the bloodshed continues."PT Bogasari is owned by Liem Sioe Liong - a crony of former Indonesian president Soeharto. "I told them these people (the owners of Bogasari) were murderers," said Dave. "They have been assisting the Indonesian military oppress the Indonesian people, and more so, the East Timorese people."Two other Bogasari vessels on the west coast and a total of 80,000 tonnes of wheat were affected by the bans. Brisbane members also pulled 30 containers of Indonesian exports from the Contship London on request of the exporter. Indonesian cargo was also pulled from the Cape Jervis. In Townsville, MUA members delayed unloading a 60,450 tonnes of nickel ore from the MV Arthur Stove. The vessel was out at anchor for five days. When it finally came in port, it was banned for a further 24 hours. Another ship, the Chekiang, sailed from Townsville leaving 500 tonnes of copper and six containers of drilling equipment, bonemeal and refrigerated cargo bound for Jakarta and Surabaya on the wharf. Port and ship officials cooperated with the MUA bans nationwide often tipping off officials when containers were being marked for other destinations. In Burnie, unionists and church groups joined MUA members for a peaceful protest and a prayer service on the wharf. The joint MUA-construction and mining union protest was timed for the arrival of Indonesian pulp imports on the Siskin Arrow. One protester chained himself to a bollard on the wharf and was latter removed by police. MUA Tasmanian branch secretary Mike Wickham said under agreement with Patrick Stevedores, the 5,000 tonne consignment of wood pulp was eventually off-loaded onto the dock. "But that's where it stays until the ban on all Indonesian cargo is lifted and that'll only happen when we see some positive results in East Timor," said Mike.In Darwin, wharfies completed loading 1,250 head of cattle already underway on the Buffalo Express when the bans were first announced. A second shipment of 2,500 livestock bound for Jakarta on board the Anomis was cancelled once news of the bans reached Indonesia. Branch Secretary Andrew Burford reported two Indonesian containers and five refers were also held in Katherine while the bans remained. In Indonesia, the MUA bans made the front page of all leading newspapers. Indonesia's Minister of Trade, Rahardi Ramelan, told the country's leading Kompas Indonesian daily that as the Australian Government had not stopped the waterfront workers' action, he would not stop Indonesian companies retaliating. "We must be prepared to face any risks in the name of our republic and defend our national pride," he said.Various other Indonesian newspapers dismissed the Australian union bans. Australia's trade relations with Indonesia was reported as "not so important" compared to trade with Japan, China or ASEAN countries. But National Secretary of GPBI - United Exporter Company of Indonesia, Benny Soetrisno, told the Indonesian language daily Suara Pembaruan that Indonesia must take the MUA bans seriously. Soetrisno, who is also the chief of API - Indonesian Textile Association, criticised government officials who played down the bans. "They have to realise that unlike the Indonesian government, Australia listens to their workers and they play a role in the community," said Soetrisno.The role Australian maritime workers have played in the world community this century is well documented and internationally recognised. Wharfies and seafarers made history during the post war independence struggles actively supporting national liberation movements in both Vietnam and Indonesia. In 1945, maritime workers banned a whole armada of Dutch ships and military cargo when the imperial power attempted to reinstate its rule in its former colony. The bans stayed in place four years until the Republic of Indonesia was born out of the Dutch East Indies. But in December 1975, when Indonesia was the aggressor, waterfront workers banned Indonesian-registered vessels and shipments of war materials in protest against the invasion of East Timor. In July 1997, the MUA bans on Indonesian ships and cargo were briefly reinstated in protest against the Soeharto Government military crackdown on the Indonesian Democratic Party, student protests and the arrest of union leaders Muchtar Pakpahan and Dita Sari. The latest bans, however, were made in a hostile climate of anti-boycott laws. Maritime workers and their union courageously put their livelihoods at risk of court action and massive fines. "Our action defied the Trade Practices Act, but no one dared take us to court because we had the full support of the Australian community," said National Secretary John Coombs. "Our action was just action, action in defence of the people of East Timor, action that no-one, not even Workplace Relations Minister Peter Reith, not even Patrick boss Chris Corrigan, not the most hardline employers dared oppose, action that affected at least a dozen vessels nationwide and an estimated $80 million in cargo."The MUA set the example and the ACTU urged other unions to follow. While MUA bans on the docks, were ongoing, the Australian Services Union targeted airports, placing freight bans on all flights to and from Indonesia. Melbourne unionists, the CFMEU foremost among them, led airport pickets at the ticket counters of Garuda Indonesian Airways. Other cities also saw hundreds of protesters picketing international terminals and Garuda offices. More than 10,000 high school and university students stormed the Garuda office in Sydney on September 10. The following day, a bigger crowd of around 30,000 people gathered at Hyde Park in Sydney calling "Indonesia out, UN in!". The Australian Workers' Union threatened to ban processing of Indonesian crude oil and the CEPU cut postal and telephone services to the Indonesian Embassy and Indonesian consulates. East Timor support groups and the ACTU also called on travellers to boycott the popular tourist spot of Bali. Travel agents reported visits dropped dramatically during the bans. As Australian and international condemnation grew, with threats of financial aid and other sanctions, Indonesia capitulated, finally agreeing to allow a UN peace force into Timor. All unions ban were lifted by September 19 as the Australian troops led the International Force for East Timor (Interfet) into Dili. The Lady Valisia and the Lady Elaine followed. "We watched the hills burning from the ship," said MUA seafarer John Mason. "The wharves were ransacked. It was disgraceful where the peace force were camped, all covered with human waste. The crew ran out the ship's hoses and the soldiers hosed the whole wharf area down, getting rid of the disgusting mess." "We watched the Indonesian troops withdrawing," said Steve. "They were on the decks of a passenger liner, 4000 Indonesian soldiers, some of them throwing human excrement at the UN troops on the wharves, others making cut-throat gestures and yelling abuse."MUA seafarers noted the Australian soldiers had it tough. "There were some young people among them," said John. "It was probably their first experience of war. They were making do on tinned rations and little running water." So the crew opened up ship and let them shower on board. And on their return to Darwin the MUA seafarers organised a collection, passing the bucket around the Albatross Marine and Darwin Tugs. Line Services donated meat, ice creams, cold drinks, eskies and a barbecue ready to go. More than 300 troops lined up for MUA sausage sizzle when the Lady Valisia returned to the Dili wharves. Interfet commander General Cosgrove (left), personally thanked the MUA for putting on such a "bloody good do.", writing to MUA National Secretary John Coombs to acknowledge the union's contribution to the peace effort. Other members on the Navy support vessels in Timor were IRs James Davis, Peter Schofield, Corey Wheeler, John Mason, Rewi Caines, Lance Field, Michael Ford, Jerry Evans, Michael Curran, crane operator Ted Jackson and cooks Adam Motbey and Alan Sessions. MUA National Conference commended all for their contribution to the peace effort, also passing a resolution to raise funds for ACTU union aid and reconstruction projects in the first new nation of the new millennium, Timor Lorosae. BACK
But for the Timorese many Australian diggers, like retired wharfie Paddy Kenneally, would have died at the hands of the Japanese during WW2. Now it's time to return the favour... "Australia dragged East Timor into the war, and close to 60,000 of them died for us," said John "Paddy" Kenneally (left).Paddy was one of the speakers at Remember East Timor Rally in Sydney held in conjunction with ANZAC day, on April 26. He spoke from experience. Paddy was working on the Pyrmont wharves when his foreman told him that the Japanese Air Force had just bombed Pearl Harbour. It was December 7, 1941. "I got up, dropped my tool belt and started to leave," said Paddy. "The foreman asked where I was going and I said I was going to join the army."Six weeks later, on January 21, 1942, Paddy landed in East Timor (then Portuguese Timor) with the 2nd Independent Company, known as the 2/2 Commandos. He now realises, they should never have gone there. "East Timor was a neutral country," said Paddy. "It wasn't at war. Us being there was an act of aggression. Even the Portuguese didn't want Australian troops there."The Japanese army arrived in East Timor a month after the 2/2 Commandos. By that time, 80 per cent of the 300 diggers were already sick with malaria. The Australian troops headed for the mountains for cover, and Paddy recalled how the Timorese took care of them right from the beginning of hostilities in East Timor. "The very first day the Japanese arrived, the Timorese saved the first Australian life," he said.The 2/2 Commandos stayed in East Timor for another 10 months and fought a guerrilla campaign - something they could not have done without the support of the Timorese people. "That's the key of a guerrilla war," said Paddy. During the 11 months of warfare, the 2/2 Commandos lost less than 40 soldiers, while the Timorese lost an estimated 2500 lives. For the whole war (1942-1945), the number of East Timorese who died because of their involvement with Australia was 60,000. They were either killed in battle, tortured or died of disease caused by malnutrition. After the war, RAAF planes flew over East Timor dropping flyers saying "Your friends will not forget you." However, aside from the oil in the Timor Sea, the Australian Government did forget. When Portugal was busy taking care of their own backyard during the 1974 April Revolution, East Timor was left abandoned. Both East Timor and Australia experienced a political vacuum. East Timor had no Portuguese Government to rule and by mid-1975 Australia was going through its Constitutional Crisis leading to the sacking of the Whitlam Government. But Paddy and many other maritime workers did not forget. News about Indonesia's intelligence activity in East Timor was reaching Darwin. Wharfie Brian Manning left the debris of cyclone torn Darwin and flew to Dili to forge new friendships: "It was an exciting time," he said. "Fretilin had incredible support among the people." While the populist pro-independence party, Fretilin, won the village elections, the other two main parties- Apodeti, advocating integration with Indonesia and UDT, supporting continued Portuguese rule did not accept the result. With active Indonesian backing, civil war broke out in August 1975. Fretilin all but won the war, but Indonesia then used 'political instability' in the fledgling republic as an excuse to invade. A meeting of maritime unions held under the auspices of the Australian Council of Trades Union met in Melbourne on November 26, 1975 and passed the following resolution on the Timorese crisis: "This ACTU executive declares support for the claim of the people of East Timor to political and economic independence and the right to determine their own form of government free of outside interference."The next day, waterfront unions resolved to ban Indonesian registered vessels and war materials supplied to Indonesia. Back in Darwin, Brian Manning was already setting up radio contact with the independence fighters in the hills of Maubere. "The reception was brilliant from Darwin," said Brian. "It was not unusual to hear the strafing in the background. We complained about the cocks crowing and they had trouble hearing us over the parakeets screeching in the gums."At first, the radio transmission was done legally. But, before long the Australian Government cancelled their license. So Manning and his comrades kept the radio hidden in safe houses. Two groups went on each mission - one lot to transmit, another to pick up the equipment and take it back to town. Indonesian intelligence, however, was more efficient. With the help of the sophisticated Palapa satellite system, the Indonesian military was able to pinpoint Fretilin radio bases. The transmissions stopped. The atrocities that followed Indonesian occupation are well documented. "At least a quarter of East Timor's 690,000 population has been killed since 1975," writes John Taylor in his book Indonesia's Forgotten War. The killings continue to this day. Maria Maia was a victim of psychological and physical abuse which contributed to the genocide of her people. A representative of the Popular Organisation of Timorese Women (OPMT)- an organisation formed by Fretilin to defend the rights and dignity of the Timorese women, Maria spokes at a meeting hosted by ACTU overseas aid agency Apheda in April. Maria witnessed the death and imprisonment of her sons, husband, families and friends. But the rapes, tortures and killings did not break her spirit. In fact, it made her more determined to participate in the fight for her freedom and that of her people - a struggle that has the full support of the Maritime Union. Maria said the Timorese people have been fighting for 23 years, and she had to pass all the obstacles facing her. Many times she was incarcerated, tortured and condemned, but she never hesitated to fight on. Another Timorese woman, Isabella Galhos, said the Indonesian Government also used its family planning campaign as a way to "wipe out" her people. "When I was in high school, we had doctors who came to our school to give the kids injections," said Isabella. "They said it was a tetanus shot, but later I found out that it was an anti pregnancy shot."The doctors injected depoprovera, an American long term contraceptive drug with severe side effects. It has been used all over Indonesia to control its rapid population rise. But in East Timor it was just another name for genocide. "The Indonesian Government was trying to wipe us out of East Timor," said Isabella.Tales of torture, executions and political repression slowly filtered out despite an Indonesian military imposed media blockade of the region. But it was not until November 12, 1991 when a freelance cameraman caught Indonesian troops opening fire on a peaceful funeral assembly in Santa Cruz cemetery, that Timor was again under the world spotlight. The funeral was for Sebastiao Gomes - shot dead by the military a few days earlier. The troops fired into a crowd of at least 5,000 mourners, killing at least 271 people. Many victims lived to tell the world. Images of terrified faces fleeing gun fire entered living rooms around the world. Maritime workers were again quick to show their solidarity for the people of East Timor. In 1992, Darwin wharfies arranged free docking of the solidarity ship, Lusitania Express when it arrived at their port. The Lusitania was carrying 120 students, journalists and dignitaries representing 21 nations. They had sailed from Lisbon to Darwin, before heading for Dili. Their mission was to lay wreaths at the Santa Cruz cemetery to honour the victims of the November massacre. The ship took on board an Australian contingent before leaving. Among them were trades and labour delegate and the then Seamen's Union state secretary Wally Pritchard. Also on board was widow of Channel 7 reporter Greg Shackleton, Shirley. Indonesian military killed Greg Shackleton and four other news reporters during the invasion in 1975. The Lusitania headed for East Timor. However, the Indonesian Navy had other plans. "It got pretty hot out there," said Wally Pritchard. "At one time the Indonesians had machine guns pointing at us. One of them manned the gun as we approached the 12 mile limit."Two Indonesian frigates had closely followed the Lusitania through international waters. Military helicopters buzzed overhead. Before reaching the sea border, they moved in front of the vessel. "They told us to go back. The second time they threatened they would 'do something to make us leave'," said Wally. "We turned, then stopped and caste a wreath off the stern."Now, again, East Timor is making the headlines and Darwin wharfies recently donated their labour to the loading of urgent medical and food supplies. Brian Manning, Branch Secretary for the Maritime Union in Darwin voiced union support for East Timorese independence: "We understand their suffering and we do everything we can to alleviate it." Maritime workers have also joined local community and students from the University of Newcastle in a support group called Friends of East Timor. On April 30, the group held its first vigil night for the victims of the pro-Indonesian armed militias. Special guest at the rally was East Timor resistance spokesperson, Mahudu. He said he was touched by the support from the Australian people. Mahudu said the Falintil independence fighters were on "stand by" refusing to be provoked by the marauding pro-Indonesian para military gangs. Resistance leader Xanana Gusmao could, if he wanted to, order the guerrillas in the mountains to come down to Dili and fight the militias. However, that would only feed the Indonesian propaganda machine and give them what they wanted-a civil war. And like the civil war in 1975, this one would also be an Indonesia instigated war. Fretilin NSW Organiser Harold Moucho said many East Timorese had gone up to the mountains to seek refuge. "Most of them were pro-independence men, as they were the prime targets," said Moucho. "Some even had to leave their wives and children behind, but, there have been instances where the whole family would pack up as much as they could and join the resistance in the mountain."Escalating violence and anarchy, deprivation and disease are taking their toll on the health of the Timorese. Dr Sergio Lobo - one of the only 16 Timorese doctors and the country's only surgeon was in Australia in April to speak about the health crisis and the need for aid from Australia. At an Apheda sponsored luncheon in Sydney on April 20, Dr Lobo said the shortage of Timorese doctors was critical due to an exodus of Indonesian doctors. "We can't do anything because the system is still in Indonesian Government hands," he said.To make matters worse, the militias are preventing doctors from treating the wounded. "Every move is considered a political move by our pro-integration brothers," Dr Lobo said.Treating the wounded could very well lead to imprisonment or even death. Dr Lobo said the most effective way to run a health service at the moment was through the Catholic church network. His team located nurses in each parish as they were still the safest places in East Timor. Although very grateful for the aid shipments from Australia, Dr Lobo said the most effective way to get medicine into East Timor was to buy it in Indonesia and ship it in by domestic routes, so avoiding the corrupt Indonesian custom officers. Apheda has launched an East Timor appeal this May, calling on unions, their members and the general public to donate money for medical supplies. MUA members are urged to donate. It is the least we can do. As old time wharfie and digger Paddy says, "Many of the diggers expected to die in Timor. But thanks to the Timorese, most of us survived. We owe them our lives." BACK
One year back mining and construction workers formed the backbone of the Maritime Union pickets nationwide. Court injunctions made it impossible for MUA officials to do the job, so Construction Forestry Mining and Energy Union national secretary John Maitland and others stepped in to lend a hand. Now the MUA has a chance to repay the kindness. On Wednesday, March 24 the CFMEU officially distanced itself from its Gordonstone picket line in Central Queensland. The Supreme Court interim injunctions meant any of their officials caught near the picket were exposed to massive fines. So that day Sean Chaffer, MUA Central NSW assistant secretary took over: "We were there to return the favour the miners did for us during our dispute. But it's not just that. I was inspired by the blokes who'd been on the grass with not much more than swags and mosquito nets for 18 months. It's not just their struggle. They're not just doing it for themselves, but for all all workers. We have a responsibility to do our bit." It was not an isolated act of solidarity. Weeks earlier, on February 27, MUA National Secretary John Coombs flew to the small township of Emerald to address a rally, backing the unionists who have now been locked out for 18 months - the longest black coal dispute in Australian history. And on February 24 wharfies, seafarers and port workers from Brisbane, Gladstone and Mackay bussed in to boost the miners' morale. Southern Queensland Branch Secretary Mick Carr and relieving branch organiser Dave Perry, were amongst them: "It's your dispute and your futures," said Mick, "But we want to thank you for the wonderful support you gave the MUA in the past." The MUA, the BLF, the Misso's and the local MLA Jim Pearce then showed their solidarity with action, not just words. They stood firm on the line alongside the miners and refused to let the scabs out of the mine. A four hour standoff followed and 53 arrests- 23 of them MUA members. So powerful is the community solidarity that another 300 people volunteered to be arrested to accompany them. Like the Patrick dispute the Gordonstone dispute has nothing to do with productivity and everything to do with union busting. The Gordonstone Mine was opened in 1991 with much fanfare as the most technologically advanced underground line the world. More than $US500 million was invested in the project. In 1997 a statue was erected to the miners in recognition of their efforts in setting world's best production records. statue at the mine declared the CFMEU workforce as the 'best mineworkers in the world.' A few months later the company sacked the entire CFMEU production and engineering workforce for refusing to go along with individual contracts. Then, like something out of the Wild West, the employer brought 70 armed thugs into town, as revealed on channel 9's Sunday program - in an attempt to intimidate and provide the sacked workers. Miners families were evicted from their homes on Christmas Eve. All these months the miners refuse to surrender. The barren surround of this central Queensland site the Gordonstone miners are fighting one of the key battles against the corporate right wing crusade to crush the union movement and decimate workers' living standards. The Australian Industrial Relations Commission ordered the company give preference to former workers. But Arco refused to reopen the mine on those terms. In February 1998 the Commission found the company guilty of unfairly dismissing the miners and ordered it pay more than $4 million in compensation. In July 1998 the company again attempted to recruit a new workforce but refused to re-open the mine when the Commission again ordered that it should hire its former employees. In October the notorious Rio Tinto entered the picture, buying the mine from the US multinational Arco in a very curious deal. Using a $2 shelf company, Rio secretly recruited 22 scabs and registered a sub-standard, non union deal designed to apply to all future workers at the mine. This was up to $5 - less than offers made by other companies. In December 1998 Rio Tinto secretary recruited 20 or so hand picked scabs for the mine. A $2 shelf company (100 per cent subsidiary of Rio Tinto) was used for the recruitment. Some of those employed came from the Gordonstone management who were previously employed by Arco. The handful of hand picked scabs were offered and accepted a non-union agreement covering all work at the mine by all employees for a two year period. The agreement over rides all existing obligations of any employer at the Gordonstone Mine. The Commission has no discretion under the legislation and ratified the agreement on February, 1999. Union submission were not allowed at the hearing. Rio Tinto now intends to employ up to 200 more scabs under the certified agreement. No preference will be given to former Gordonstone workers who were unlawfully dismissed by Arco. "It's so like the Patrick dispute," said Dave Perry. "Peter Reith has been involved in this dispute from the start, but is keeping a low profile at this stage. We can only presume its because of the political kicking the MUA gave him during the Patrick dispute."MUA support - both on the picket line and to the strike fund is ongoing. A meeting held at Brisbane Trades and Labour building in February unanimously gave their full backing to the picket 'knowing that a defeat would have grave consequences for the entire trade union movement... Your struggle is our struggle and we pledge our full physical, financial and moral support." The maritime workers voted to contribute just under $3000 on the day. Since the stopwork meeting crew on nine vessels, the Endeavour River, Samar Spirit, Griffin Venture, River Yarra, Stolt Australia, River Boyne, Pacific Rapier, Kowulka and River Embley have donated a further $4,000, with donations now approaching $10,000 all up. "As a union, we can't sit idly by in a dispute, where workers have their basic human rights attacked by a greedy multi-national company," said Sean Chaffer. "It's such a basic right to belong to a collective."On April 8 ACTU President Jennie George addressed a protest rally outside the Rio Tinto's Sydney headquarters: "This is a dispute where the workers have a clear moral right, and we hope a legal right, to retain their jobs," she said. "It is not too late to re-employ the sacked miners." MUA officials playing a leading role on the picket have also include Col Davies and Jeff Langdon. Those wishing to follow in their footsteps should contact National Training Officer Graham Young. Meanwhile the CFMEU is appealing to the Federal Court for the right of the 312 illegally sacked miners to be re-employed. BACK
By Steve Stallone ( The Dispatcher, International Longshore Warehouse Union's official publication) As dawn slowly crept over a cool gray sky Saturday, May 9, the container ship, the Columbus Canada slipped quietly to berth at Terminal Island in the Port of Long Beach, Calif. But the arrival of the vessel, loaded by scab labor in the Australian ports of Melbourne and Sydney, would made a noise heard in ports and shipping executive offices around the world. Community activists and trade unionists had anticipated the ship's call for weeks, ever since Patrick Stevedoring Co., with the aid of the conservative Australian government, had run the "wharfies" off the docks with armed guards and attack dogs April 7 and replaced them with a scab workforce. Their union, Maritime Union of Australia (MUA), responded with mass picketing at ports around country. West Coast longshore workers had seen these kind of union-busting actions on docks before, in Mexico, Brazil, Liverpool. And they'd seen the first attempts to do it at home, at LAXT, the coal export dock at the Port of Los Angeles, and ICTF, the rail intermodal facility there. This was no abstract theory of labor casualization. This was their lives and their livelihood. The coast had been buzzing for weeks with the latest news from down under, news of picket lines attacked, of ships loaded by scabs. So once the Columbus Canada cruised up the port's Main channel and berthed at the Matson Terminal, it was greeted by a sign- toting, chanting picket line of some 1,500 community people and unionists. Marching in front of the terminal gates the pickets turned back several trucks bringing containers scheduled to be loaded on the ship and others that had planned to pick up cans. Despite the early hour the demonstrators kept up a spirited line, greeting friends and neighbors and exchanging the latest information about Australia and the scab ship. One picket brought a boom box and a few people around him marched in rhythm to Otis Redding: "Sittin' in the morning sun,I'll be sitting' when the evening comes, Watching the ships roll in, Then I watch them roll away again...." When the marine clerks and longshore workers dispatched to work the Columbus Canada arrived for the morning shift, they declined to cross the line. by 9:15 Clerks Local 63 B.A. Tom Warren, Longshore Local 13 B.A. Tim Purdue and Walking Bosses Local 94 Vice President George Hilbert were conferring with Chuck Wallace, the Labor Relations Committeeman for the employer group Pacific Maritime Association about the impasse. They officially came to disagreement on whether the picket line constituted a health and safety hazard the workers did not have to cross. By 9:30 the arbitration process kicked in. Behind the gates in a fourth floor conference room in the Matson Terminal office, Southern California Area arbitrator John Pandora convened a hearing of the union and employer representatives. In a scene mirroring a courtroom drama, both parties made opening statements, presented their cases and gave closing arguments. The employers argued the union was violating the contract by not working the ship. the union representatives countered that the picket line was a health and safety hazard the contract said the workers needn't cross. Pandora ruled for the employers. At 11:15 Warren walked through the gate out to the awaiting picket line. The demonstrators and workers gathered around him. "The arbitrator has ruled that this is not a bona fide health and safety situation," Warren told the crowd, adding that the workers were required to go to work. "I'm assigned to work this shift and I'm not going in," one longshore worker shouted. "I'm not going to work either," another dispatched worker shouted with a voice hoarse from chanting all morning.Spontaneously the crowd picked up the Australian picket line slogan, adding its own regional twist: "MUA, here to stay! No scab cargo in L.A." The video images of that display of defiant solidarity lead the newscast on all three of Australia's national TV networks the next day. The picket line continued and a little before noon a local "roach coach" pulled up and gave out free coffee to refuel the flagging marchers. Before the beginning of the next shift the Columbus Canada was pulled out of berth to anchor outside the harbor while Matson brought in its Coast shuttle Ewa to be worked. As the red-orange hulled scab ship skulked out the channel like a dog with its tail between its legs, the pickets declared victory and went home to prepare for the next round. The next day passed without incident, but Monday morning Matson ordered another work gang for the 5 p.m. shift to unload the Columbus Canada. Immediately the community phone tree activated. a leaflet calling for another picket line was produced, faxed around town, copied and distributed. As people began to gather at the terminal in the early afternoon, Matson called and cancelled the order. The pickets held a brief rally and dispersed. The ship continued to sit at anchorage for the next two weeks, becoming a fixture, a kind of harbor landmark, with its perishable cargo of beef and lamb aging every day. Columbus Line hired the notorious anti-union law firm Littler Mendelson and on May 18 filed a lawsuit in federal court against the ILWU. The suit asked for at least $4.9 million in damages for "lost commissions to Columbus, spoiled perishables, and lost revenue to Hamburg-Sud" (the parent company of Columbus). Alleging the union also "acted with fraud, oppression and malice" toward the company, it asked for punitive damages as well. Columbus Line also filed charges with the NLRB alleging the union engaged in unlawful actions directed at neutral employers. The parties were able to work out a successful resolution that resulted in dismissal of all legal claims. In the end the cargo ship left the port and headed back to Australia with its 160 scab-loaded containers still on-board. Not one other ship carrying containers loaded by Patrick's scab labor again dared to venture into a North American West Coast port. BACK
Marta was only five when she became a slave, packing eucalyptus logs into kilns of brick and mud that produce the charcoal for Brazil's steel mills. She had nothing to protect her feet and hands from the hot coals, no goggles for the swirling ash, no mask, not even a rag to keep her lungs free of smoke. And she could not quit. Her father owed the master food, a shack and his tools. Her family were trapped in debt. But now Marta can't work. She can't run or walk far without fainting. "It hurts to breathe," she mumbles. "Sometimes it feels like my chest is on fire."This is a story told by Associated Press writer Todd Lewan. It is a story common to many developing countries where child labour is endemic. Marta is one of 25,000 indentured slaves in Brazil and one of an estimated 250 million children working around the world, according to the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Up to 40 per cent of children under 15 are economically active in developing countries. But these numbers do not include children working as domestic servants. ILO's estimation suggested that most child workers are found in Asia, Africa and Latin America. About 30 per cent of Bangladeshi children work, as do 16 per cent of Brazilian, 14 per cent of Indian, 24 per cent of Turkish, 41 per cent of Kenyan and 26 per cent of Nigerian children. Although the ILO suspected countries like China and Burma of having serious child labour problems, it found it "impossible" to achieve "reliable" figures from these countries. These estimates are based on children aged between 10 and 14 years of age. No reliable figures on workers under 10 or those between 14 and 15 are available. "If all these could be counted and if proper account were taken of the domestic work performed, full time, by girls, the total number of child workers around the world today might well be in the hundreds of millions," said Assefa Bequele, department director and child labour specialist at the ILO.It is important to note the difference between child work and child labour. In developing countries, many children share a significant role in their households. They fetch water, collect firewood, graze sheep and cattle, take care of their siblings and help their parents on farms. In developed countries, many children work after school, on weekends or during school holidays for extra income or pocket money. This work is considered child work. Child labour on the other hand, is work which, the UN Declaration on the Rights of the Child defines as "likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child's education, or to be harmful to the child's health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development." In Marta's case, she was forced into slavery to pay off her parents' debt. Other children work because they cannot afford an education. Employers seek out children for manufacturing industries because their labour is less expensive or less troublesome than that of adults. Many children, like Marta, face significant threats to their health and safety. They are exposed to a harsh climate, sharp tools, heavy loads, toxic chemicals and motorised equipment. Girls working as domestic servants away from home are frequent victims of physical, mental and sexual abuse. With the spread of AIDS, more and more young children are forced into prostitution. Adults see children as a means of preventing infections. Child slavery predominates where employers exploit poverty by way of bondage. The system is simple. Give an illiterate, desperate worker a job, pay him less than it takes to survive and force him to pass on his debts for generations. But in West Africa, especially Ghana, child slavery is far more than just an employer- employee relationship. It is a tradition which goes back to pre-colonial times, and is still being practised. According to the findings of two West African non-government organisations (NGOs) sponsored by the Anti-Slavery Society, West African slaves are all female, ranging from four to 86 years of age. They are brought by their relatives to the shrines where priests live, to appease the gods for the sins of a male relative. Many have been committed as slaves since they were babies, or even foetuses, and remain slaves all their lives. They are known locally as "trokosi" or fetish slaves. At the shrines, girls are forced to work long hours on farms and receive no pay. They are forced to have sex with the priests, resulting in endless pregnancies. The babies are fully the responsibility of the girls, and these babies (if they are girls) then become the next generation of "trokosi". One example of a "trokosi" is 86-year-old, Agbogbe Ameke, who was pledged as a slave to the gods before her birth: "This has prevented me from attending school and has deprived me of ever enjoying anything good," she said. "I wish I had not been born at all. Suffering and starvation have been my daily companions since my birth." While diamonds may well be a western girl's best friend, hundreds of thousands of young Indian girls' sweat and blood goes into them. A recent International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) report found that a major diamond cutting centre, in Surat employs 200,000 children, some as young as six, 12 hours a day for slave wages on dangerous polishing wheels in diamond factories, where they also have to live and sleep surrounded by industry waste and human faeces. India is the world's biggest diamond cutting centre. Its major supplier is the Argyle diamond mine in Western Australia, 56.8 per cent of its share is owned by the infamous union-busting company, Rio Tinto. The most common cause of child labour is poverty. But American political commentator Pharis J. Harvey says it could go the other way around: "Child labour is not only a by-product of poverty, it also generates poverty. The argument that child labour can't be eliminated until poverty is eliminated reverses cause and effect, and provides an excuse for tolerating child labour. Ending child labour is a way out of poverty." Harvey's views were also shared by Norwegian Minister of Development and Human Rights Hilde F. Johnson when she addresed a child labour conference in Oslo last year: "Investment in the physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development of children is an ethical, social and economic imperative for all societies," she said. "Child labour is both a consequence and a cause of poverty, and strategies for poverty reduction are needed to address the root cause of child labour." However, poverty cannot be a cause by itself. Global economic deregulations, suppression of trade unions and attitudes by governments, media and business organisations which view child labour as a non-issue are also factors. Unfortunately, for some Asian countries, the economic crisis has exacerbated child exploitation -and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is partly to blame. Once a country is in financial difficulties, the IMF is called in to fix the economy by making it "export-orientated". This usually leads to enticing foreign investment through cheap, non-union labour and by weakening the labour laws. The IMF's demands often lead to cuts on government social spending such as health and education. Only 49 of the 173 ILO member countries have ratified Minimum Age Convention 138. Australia is not among them. Convention 138 makes 15 the minimum age for full-time employment. Among the 49 signatories, only 21 are from developing countries and none are from Asia where over half of all working children are to be found. Most of the countries that have signed only regard the ratification as a declaration of intent rather than of fact. The ILO's next convention on child labour will to be held next year. The Australian Government has submitted to the ILO that the convention should only focus on the "intolerable" kinds of child labour. It argues that child labour should be allowed where it is not exploitative. The ACTU overseas aid agency APHEDA is now assisting hundreds of children on the island of Negros, in the central Philippines. Its child labour project includes giving scholarships to almost 250 children, setting up co-operatives; giving trainings to parents about nutrition, sanitation, health and family planning and assisting the women's organisation, KMK, which works with the local trade union, the National Federation of Sugar Workers. A recent ILO report found that trade unions are the most logical leaders for bringing child exploitation to light. APHEDA has also found that in countries where strong unions exist, child labour is diminished. It suggests unions should play a major role in eliminating child labour not only on the grounds of social justice, but also in preventing the hiring of children at wages that undermine established rates of pay. But in reality, few unions exist in the backlands of developing nations like Brazil. For eight year old Marta and the 25,000 other indentured slaves in Brazil there is no escape. "Sir, there are no walls here, but we're still prisoners," says Marta's father, Aman. "We work harder and harder, but the master keeps saying we owe more."Members interested in helping the child labour campaign can contact APHEDA at: Box 3 Trades Hall, 4 Goulburn Street, Sydney NSW 2000 Ph: (02) 9264 9343; Fax: (02) 9261 1118; Email: Child Labour Down Under "Child labour in Australia is alive and not very well," said Patrick Parkinson of Sydney University.Despite the Federal Government's assertion earlier this year that Australia "has no child labour problems" a national investigation has revealed that more than 1600 child workers, some as young as 12, are seriously injured every year. The joint Sydney Morning Herald and Melbourne Age inquiry detailed many of the tragedies including the death of a 13 year old girl while helping to load a wheat silo, a 15 year old boy whose arm was crushed in a roller, a 13 year old boy crushed to death beneath the wheels of a mobile orchard spraying machine, a 16 year old factory hand dying after being overcome by fumes in an empty petrol tanker and a 16 year old boy whose hand was trapped in the mixing blades of an industrial pasta making machine. He wasn't able to read instructions on the machine - they were in Italian. The report prompted NSW Attorney-General Jeff Shaw to call for a national approach to child labour problems. He was joined by the Human Rights Commission, the ACTU and the child rights group Save the Children Australia. "Average Australians think child labour relates only to developing countries," said ACTU President Jennie George. "We've not been ready to accept that we have problems within our own borders."Patrick Parkinson is also the chair of NSW's review committee into the state's child protection laws. "Working long hours at the expense of homework, play time and sleep is not the kind of childhood we should expect for Australian kids," he said. "There are virtually no laws on child employment in NSW. One regulation in the Children's Care and Protection Act 1987 disallows a child from taking part in any employment in the course of which the child's physical or emotional well-being is put at risk, but no prosecutions have ever been made under this section," he said.And the newspapers report found that Victoria still follows a 30 year old permit system allowing children as young as seven years of age to work up to eight hours a day outside school hours. Injuries to working children have included amputations, loss of eyes, disfiguring burns and fractures. They occurred across all industries from the farm sector to retailing. BACK
by Robert Barwick An unprecedented worldwide shareholder campaign has been launched by trade union federations, against the union-busting activities of Rio Tinto, the flagship company of the British oligarchy's raw materials cartel. In press conferences on March 8 in Sydney, Brussels, London, and Washington, the Rio Tinto Shareholder Coalition announced that it will submit two resolutions for shareholder consideration at Rio Tinto's London and Melbourne Annual General Meetings in May. The resolutions demand that the company's board of directors become more accountable to its shareholders by appointing an independent, non-executive deputy chairperson, and that it implement a worldwide code of labor practice complying with International Labor Organisation (ILO) standards. The Coalition comprises unions which collectively represent 41 million workers, including the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU); the Construction, Forestry, Mining, and Energy Union of Australia; the International Federation of Chemical, Energy, and Mining Unions (ICEM); the British Trade Union Congress; and the US trade union congress (AFL-CIO). The Coalition estimates that trade unionists' money accounts for approximately 19 per cent of Rio Tinto's shares, held mostly by pension funds. But the campaign makes no mention of Queen Elizabeth II, who has invested a chunk of her $25-$50 billion personal fortune in Rio Tinto. She is the company's largest non-institutional shareholder, and its dominant political and financial power. Founded in 1873 by the drug-running Jardine Matheson company that helped run the British Empire's two Opium Wars against China, Rio Tinto has always been a leading vehicle of British imperialism.
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